1/21/2009
Okay. Sorry for the delay. We had some CO poisoning killing our brain cells for a couple days.

Permanent 3D Installations from activ8-3D
With our partner RMA, we design, manufacture and install large scale permanent tourist and visitor attractions across the globe. We also work with museums and art galleries too. Examples of our work can be seen at Cadbury’s World in Birmingham, and the Royal Academy of Arts in Piccadilly, London.

If you’d like to view some of the 3D stuff we’ve done, give us a call and we’d be happy to arrange some complimentary passes. If you’d like to discuss an upcoming project give us a call on +44 (0) 207 11 77 896 or email us on info@activ8-3d.com.

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New AHT Website Coming!
With the new year we've decided to go out with the old, and bring in the new.

We've had the same website for quite a while now, and it seemed like it was high time to mix it up. Right now the new website is in the works, and will hopefully be up and running by mid-February.

Our goal for this website is to create a more user-friendly environment, making it easier to navigate and find the things you are looking for. An entirely new menu system has been created which will help visitors move from page to page.

The new look is fresh and we are so excited to unveil it! Keep checking www.ahtkc.com to see the new face of AHT!

Little Shop of Pride

Claire Buckfield as Audrey.
Alex Fearns as The Dentist
Sylvester McCoy as Mr. Mushnik
aaaaaand... Clive Rowe as the carnivorous Audrey II

Go!

(but don't feed the plants...)

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De qui parlez-vous, Monsieur le Président?


De qui parlez-vous, Monsieur le Président?
Gilles Duceppe, Chef du Bloc québécois
Pauline Marois, Chef du Parti québécois. Chef de l'opposition officielle

Édition du vendredi 06 février 2009, Le Devoir.

Monsieur le Président, nous voulons réagir de deux façons aux propos que vous avez récemment tenus à l'Élysée au sujet du Québec. D'abord, vous nous voyez ravis de constater que vous trouvez trop timide la politique française antérieure qui parlait de «non-indifférence» pour qualifier l'intensité des rapports entre nos deux peuples.

Vous préférez, dites-vous, parler «d'amour» entre des nations frères faisant partie d'une même famille. Dans la même veine, et cela vous surprendra peut-être de la part de deux chefs indépendantistes, nous vous félicitons pour l'énergie que vous avez mise, et que vous mettez encore, pour assurer le succès de dossiers franco-québécois que nous appuyons vivement: la reconnaissance réciproque des diplômes entre Français et Québécois, qui permettra à nos professionnels de travailler et de voyager plus facilement de part et d'autre, et le projet de libre-échange Canada-Union européenne, dont le Québec est le principal promoteur et serait, de ce côté-ci de l'Atlantique, le principal bénéficiaire.

Car contrairement à l'idée que vous semblez avoir de nous, les indépendantistes québécois sont favorables à tout ce qui permet au Québec de s'ouvrir au monde. Vous semblez l'ignorer, Monsieur le Président, car à l'Élysée, vous avez accompagné vos remarques fraternelles de remontrances à certains de vos frères, affirmant au sujet des indépendantistes québécois qu'ils n'adhèrent pas au «refus du sectarisme, de la division, de l'enfermement sur soi-même, au refus de définir son identité par opposition féroce à l'autre».

De qui parlez-vous, Monsieur le Président ? Des 49,4 % de Québécois, et donc de la forte majorité de francophones, qui, le soir du 30 octobre 1995, ont voté «oui» à la souveraineté du Québec? Aux 43 % qui, lors d'un sondage de la semaine dernière, ont réitéré ce choix? Cela fait beaucoup de monde. La moitié de la famille, Monsieur le Président. «Sectaires, féroces», les électeurs québécois qui ont élu en octobre 49 députés indépendantistes, soit près des deux tiers de la députation québécoise à la Chambre des communes à Ottawa, et en décembre dernier, 51 députés à Québec, formant ainsi l'opposition officielle? «Adeptes de l'enfermement», les Québécois qui ont élu quatre gouvernements souverainistes majoritaires au cours des 30 dernières années?

Nous ne pensions pas que le général de Gaulle nous appelait à l'enfermement sur nous-mêmes lorsqu'il a souhaité, en juillet 1967, que «vive le Québec libre!» Nous jugeons toujours qu'il avait raison lorsqu'il a plus longuement expliqué ce qui suit en novembre 1967: «Que le Québec soit libre c'est, en effet, ce dont il s'agit. Cela aboutira forcément, à mon avis, à l'avènement du Québec au rang d'un État souverain, maître de son existence nationale, comme le sont par le monde tant et tant d'autres peuples, tant et tant d'autres États, qui ne sont pas pourtant si valables, ni même si peuplés, que ne le serait celui-là.» Nous ne pensons pas, non plus, que les nombreux hommes et femmes politiques français, dont plusieurs ont joué et jouent un rôle éminent au sein de votre formation politique, qui nous ont prodigué conseils et encouragements au cours des années et encore aujourd'hui, veulent pousser le Québec au sectarisme.

Notre mouvement est fier d'avoir incarné, au fil des années, l'exact contraire de l'idée que vous vous en faites. C'est ainsi que le fondateur de notre mouvement, René Lévesque, s'est battu bec et ongles pour que le Québec puisse s'exprimer au sein de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, lorsque le gouvernement canadien le lui refusait. On doit à son successeur Jacques Parizeau d'avoir, le premier, appuyé le projet de libre-échange canado-américain, contre les partis pro-canadiens à l'origine trop frileux pour s'y engager. La mobilisation de l'électorat souverainiste québécois pour cet accord en a assuré le succès lors d'une élection cruciale en 1988.

Ce sont des politiques économiques mises en oeuvre par des gouvernements du Parti québécois qui ont permis au Québec d'avoir une économie plus ouverte sur le monde que celle de la plupart des pays occidentaux. Ce sont des politiques linguistiques introduites par le Parti québécois qui assurent désormais au sein de la majorité québécoise l'intégration de vagues d'immigration successives, jouissant de politiques plus ouvertes et plus généreuses que celles de la plupart des pays occidentaux.

C'est l'Assemblée nationale du Québec, sous la direction d'un président indépendantiste, qui a organisé la Conférence des parlementaires des Amériques, contre le voeu du gouvernement canadien et malgré les obstacles qu'il lui a opposés. Les exemples sont nombreux.

Nous ne savons pas d'où vous est venue l'idée que nous réclamons de vous que vous détestiez le Canada. Malgré nos différends importants avec nos voisins, nous respectons ce pays, ses valeurs et sa population. Nous pensons que l'indépendance du Québec mettrait un terme aux rancoeurs et aux débats épuisants qui jalonnent l'histoire de notre présence dans le Canada. Dans l'argumentaire que nous distribuons largement, nous affirmons à tous que «le Canada et le Québec seront de bons partenaires au sein de la communauté internationale. Souverain, le Québec discutera de pays à pays avec le Canada et les disputes fédérales-provinciales seront choses du passé. Nos deux nations sont destinées à collaborer, histoire et géographie obligent».

Vous n'êtes pas sans savoir que les Nations unies ont accueilli, depuis 1980, pas moins de 38 nouveaux pays. Chacun a choisi de parler de sa propre voix, plutôt que de prolonger sa présence au sein d'un pays plus large qui n'était pas le sien. Loin de condamner leur arrivée, de leur faire des remontrances sur l'enfermement, la France les a accompagnés, les a reconnus. C'est ce que les Québécois attendent d'elle.

Mais nous devons à la vérité de vous faire savoir que jamais un chef d'État étranger n'a autant manqué de respect aux plus de deux millions de Québécois qui se sont prononcés pour la souveraineté. Plusieurs chefs d'État et de gouvernement, surtout du monde anglophone, ont publiquement souhaité le maintien d'un Canada uni, vantant, comme l'avait fait le président Bill Clinton en 1995, la qualité des rapports entre son pays et le Canada. D'ailleurs, George Bush père avait affirmé en 1990 que notre cas était parmi ceux où «il faut rester courageusement assis en coulisse». Aucun n'a utilisé envers le mouvement indépendantiste les épithètes pour tout dire méprisantes que vous employez.

Mais puisque vous parlez d'enfermement, Monsieur le Président, laissez-nous vous éclairer davantage. Vous avez affirmé lors de votre passage en octobre que le Canada, «par son fédéralisme, a décliné un message de respect de la diversité et d'ouverture». Savez-vous que depuis maintenant plus d'un quart de siècle, le Québec est gouverné par une constitution canadienne qui lui a été imposée contre sa volonté, qui restreint son autonomie en matière d'éducation, de langue et de culture, qui n'a pas été soumise à un référendum et qu'aucun premier ministre québécois, depuis René Lévesque jusqu'à Jean Charest, n'a accepté de signer? Savez-vous qu'aucune réparation de cette situation inacceptable n'est envisagée ou envisageable? La France accepterait-elle de rester dans l'Union européenne si le reste de l'Europe lui imposait un nouveau traité réduisant unilatéralement sa souveraineté sur des questions identitaires, sans même la consulter par référendum? Nous n'osons imaginer quelle serait votre réaction si une telle injustice était infligée à votre nation.

Enfermement encore: nous savons désormais qu'au soir du référendum de 1995, si une majorité de Québécois avait démocratiquement voté pour la souveraineté du Québec, le premier ministre canadien Jean Chrétien aurait refusé de reconnaître ce choix.

C'est ce qu'il a avoué depuis, même s'il avait déclaré cinq jours auparavant, dans une adresse solennelle à la nation, qu'un choix pour le OUI serait «irréversible». Toute honte bue, le premier ministre canadien a maintenu que, même en votant majoritairement pour la souveraineté, le Québec n'aurait pas pu quitter le Canada. Nous savons cependant que, simultanément, votre prédécesseur, le président Jacques Chirac, aurait reconnu la décision politique des Québécois, se rangeant ainsi du côté de la démocratie et l'accompagnant dans son choix. Plusieurs pays francophones auraient fait de même, et nous savons que la démocratie l'aurait emporté.

Il est vrai, Monsieur le Président, que les Québécois ne seront pas rappelés à se prononcer sur cette question dans un avenir immédiat. Cependant, puisque rien de fondamental n'est résolu dans les rapports Québec-Canada, il n'est pas impossible que cela survienne pendant que vous présidez aux destinées de la France. Il n'est pas impossible que la démocratie québécoise ait besoin de l'appui de tous ses amis, de tous ses frères.

Dans cette hypothèse, il vous reviendra de décider si vous souhaitez laisser, ou non, la marque d'un président qui, à un moment crucial, a su répondre avec une réelle fraternité à l'appel de l'Histoire.

Concluding Statement
This class has been such a great experience for me and if I had to I would take it again without any arguments. For me this class has shown me a whole new definition of theater, that is a part of every one in the world's every day lives whether they like it or not. Every little thing that we do in our everyday lives is theater, becuase it is an action that others can see. Also, becuase many things that we do in our lives cause drama, whether it be good or bad, which turns around to be theater. Think about it, whether you play a sport, get into a fight, or even just walk down the street, you are performing. Also, I loved how we compared theater to politics because it made me see politics in a whole new light. They lie and give people false hope to get what they want which is all acting. Also, when they put their fellow candidates down constantly they are creating drama which entertains the general public of the world which makes the public teh audience and the candidates the actors. I really saw a lot of drama going on in the presidential election of 2008 between McCain and Obama because they ripped on each other more and created more drama than any other set of candidates that I have seen so far in my lifetime. Now back to the class, I loved the fact that it was half in class and half online. By only attending in a classroom one day out of the week and doing most of the work online, it left me a lot of free time and because of my busy schedule it gave me the flexibility that I needed. Also, I feel that they way the work load was set up was great because not many professors will take the time to work out a suggested time schedule for our assignments like Jason has done. This makes my life a whole lot easier because it keeps me organized and on track with no rela reaon to fell behind in my work. This class covered a lot of material which helped me to better understand what happens behind the scenes of a theatrical performance and how much hard work and money really go into making the production a huge success.